
CÍMLAP
Education and Church in Central and Eastern Europe at first glance
CONTENTS, FOREWORD
Table of contents
Gabriella Pusztai: Foreword
Miklós Tomka: Balancing between religion and education in modernity
Denominational schools
Jon Lauglo: Do Private Schools Cause Social Segregation? The Case of Basic Education in Norway
Dana Hanesova: The Educational Role of Church-maintained Education in Slovakia after 1989
Ryszard Małachowski: The Social, Legal and Functionary Aspects of Catholic Education in Poland (1991-2004)
Eleonóra Molnár: The Conditions of Functioning of Denominational Educational Institutions in Ukraine
László Murvai: The Place of Denominational Schools in The Hungarian Education of Romania
Katinka Bacskai: Hungarian Denominational Schools in Slovakia
Gabriella Pusztai: What is the Resource of Trust in School Communities?
Religious education
Martin Jäggle: The Task of School in Multireligious Europe
Gavril Flóra & Georgina Szilágyi: Religious Education and Cultural Pluralism in Romania
Daniela Kalkandjieva: Religious Education in Bulgarian Public Schools: Practices and Challenges
Ankica Marinović Bobinac & Dinka Marinović Jerolimov: Catholic Religious Education in Public Schools in Croatia: Attitudes toward Other Religions in Primary School Textbooks
Stanko Gerjolj: Kirche als Erziehungsinstitution vor Neuen Herausforderungen - am Beispiel Sloweniens
Aniela Różańska: The Silesian Evangelical Church of Augsburg Confession as an Educational and the Youth Integrating Institution in the Czech Republic
Foreword
At the University of Debrecen there have been researches about the role of
churches in education since the second half of the '90s. During the first
in-depth research in Hungary and then in the Carpathian basin it became
evident that the question was worth elaboration in the countries of
political transformation. Important antecedents were EU publications issued
in the '90s that undertook the task to overview and compare parts of the
national education systems that were run by non-governmental actors. These
publications dealt with the present situation of these non-public schools
in European education systems and beside the most important statistical
data they also gave a comparative analysis of the legal measures concerning
the legal frameworks, types of schools, conditions of school foundation,
state support from public funds, relationships with state curricula,
recognition of school leaving certificates and status of teachers (Eurydice
1993, Saha 1997, Eurydice 1999). They dealt, however, only with the then EU
Member States and because of the special methodology, they were not really
sensitive to the cultural traditions of the individual countries. Obviously
they did not advert to the topic either, how religious education appears in
the public education system or how public schools relate to the religious
freedom of students belonging to various denominations. During a
comparative analysis certain historic characteristics, e.g. religious,
denominational composition of a given country, the circumstances of the
evolvement of the modern state and state administration can help analyse
not only the extent (Archer 1979) and support of the school system run by
churches and other non-state actors but the present characteristics of
religious education in state schools (eligibility, fit in the timetable,
conditions of joining and dropping a course) as well (Tomka 1992).
There are a number of sharply contrasting views on the respective roles of
the Church and the State in education in. According to one paradigm the
Church and the State have been rivals since the very beginning, and the
past two centuries have been all about the struggle between the old and the
new dominating groups (Archer 1979), whereas according to another view
certain social interest groups, leaning on the bureaucratic state for
support, have got rid of the Churches in the first step in order to achieve
civil rights (Polanyi 1944), and later they have gradually limited the role
of the state as well (Molnar 1990).
The two views agree that the social role of the Churches has diminished
significantly during the last century. One of the views regards the present
time as the era when the power of the state is at its peak, as the final
step in the two hundred-year process of 'nationalisation'. According to the
other view public thinking has become pluralist, religion has become a
private matter and the Churches have changed into voluntary social
organizations. The state, having lost its role as a proprietor and a moral
authority, functions only as a coordinator, a 'book-keeper' serving public
security (Molnár 1993).
The essence of the Archerian theory, which is based on a historical
statistical analysis, is the competition between different social interest
groups - between the dominating ones and their challengers - for the
control over the educational system. One of his two models is the Russian
and French one based on a restrictive strategy; the other one is the
English and Danish one exemplifying the substitutive strategy (Archer
1979). Regarding the position of denominational schools in Western European
countries, the abovementioned EU publications reflect a flattening of
fault-lines between the earlier historic models (Pusztai 2004). In this new
casting, the state - instead of being a competitive player - appears
everywhere as a coordinator. Its new role is defined by the constitutional
principle of respecting human rights, namely the right to religious freedom
and the right to education. These publications clearly show that at the
millennium EU states understood providing and financing free and compulsory
education as public tasks. In European countries the freedom of education
means, on the one hand, free founding, organizing and choosing a school by
citizens and the existence of private schools, and on the other hand the
growing number of private schools with state support (Eurydice 2000: 100).
It was a clear basic principle, too, that while creating the frames for
compulsory education modern European constitutional states regard pluralism
and the freedom of belief as constitutional principles, and did not attempt
to have power over the ethos and organization of education. They try,
however, to provide for the fulfilment of curricular requirements set by
law and they consider ensuring the right of citizens to education as their
responsibility. As a consequence, the situation of non-state schools and
the extent of state support from public funds are not defined by the
ideology conveyed by the school or the identity of the maintainer but their
relationship to the state curricula. In the education system, real clear-
cut confines are not to be found between the public and private sectors but
between supported schools fulfilling substantial requirements and those
very different and as such self-financing schools. The dominant EU
conception emphasizes both providing for the parents' right to choose non-
state institutions and guaranteeing the right to establish private schools.
In the EU Member States private schools were mainly run by nonprofit
organizations at the millennium. Those are not interested in profit making
and thus the adjective 'private' only refers to the fact that they are not
owned by the state. In the European education systems the nongovernmental
sector is strongly proportioned according to its legal status. They can
have two to four poles with the highest differentiation in the Italian
system. In the various European states the private sector in the strict
sense - the institutions of which are organized, financed and controlled
exclusively by private persons or bodies - is small. Parallelly, however,
another sector was taking shape that is neither public nor fully private as
considering both their financial sources and controlling they are closely
related to the government - denominational education institutions can
generally be classified into this group.
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